This Saturday, June 20, Paraguay marks 34 years since the promulgation of the 1992 National Constitution, the Magna Carta that ushered in the country's modern democratic era following the fall of Alfredo Stroessner's dictatorship, which lasted nearly 35 years. The date, which has been a national holiday since 2025 under Law No. 7544/2025 and Decree No. 6215, was moved this year to Monday, the 22nd, coinciding with Father's Day.
The Constitution was the product of six months of work by 198 constituent delegates and was born in a context of tension: the presidents of the three branches of government at the time — Executive Branch head Andrés Rodríguez, Legislative Branch head Gustavo Díaz de Vivar, and Judicial Branch head José Alberto Correa — did not attend the swearing-in ceremony on June 20, 1992, holding their own solemn event two days later. Only Minister Jerónimo Irala Burgos, of the Supreme Court, was present on the original date.
Among the most significant advances of the 1992 Charter are the prohibition of presidential reelection, the creation of departmental governments and Departmental Councils, the direct election of mayors — previously appointed by the Executive — and the incorporation of extra-branch institutions such as the Judiciary Council, the Magistrates' Impeachment Jury, and the Comptroller General's Office. Conscientious objection to military service was also enshrined, despite opposition from sectors linked to General Lino Oviedo.
Delegates who participated in the drafting believe the Constitution has met its initial expectations. Liberal former senator Eusebio Ramón Ayala stated that the text "synthesizes the conviction of building a democratic and just Paraguay," although he acknowledges that the main challenge today is its effective enforcement. Gonzalo Quintana, also a liberal former senator, celebrated the improvement in electoral processes but lamented a "notable institutional decline" and the degradation of politics.
Constitutionalist Hugo Estigarribia, who was also a delegate, highlighted that the 1992 Charter "took a great deal of power from the Executive" and is considered one of the best in Latin America in terms of recognizing human dignity. However, he warned that the human factor has degraded institutions, citing as examples the expulsion of Senator Kattya González in 2024, the lifelong senator law championed by Basilio "Bachi" Núñez, and the 2017 reelection amendment attempt, which resulted in the burning of Congress and the death of young liberal Rodrigo Quintana.
In an interview with the newspaper La Nación, the president of the Superior Electoral Court, Jorge Bogarín González — who was a constituent delegate — stated that the Constitution was born from "the ruins of authoritarianism" and that its 34 years of stability prove the strength of the democratic pact. Bogarín argued that the priority must be full compliance with the current text before any reforms, and that any changes should result from broad consensus, never from opportunistic interests.
The Archbishop of Asunción, Cardinal Adalberto Martínez, used Sunday mass at the Cathedral to warn that the rights enshrined in the Constitution "cannot remain only on paper." He specifically cited Article 64, which recognizes indigenous peoples' right to communal land ownership, and questioned whether the country fully respects the letter and spirit of the Magna Carta or whether these rights are being set aside for economic and corporate interests.
Since its enactment, the Constitution has had only one amendment: in 2011, a referendum approved by nearly 80% of votes the right to vote for Paraguayans living abroad, altering Article 120. For constitutionalist Marcelo Duarte, issues such as reelection, the system for selecting magistrates, and the composition of electoral lists for the Senate still lack greater clarity, but he warned that convening a new Constituent Assembly at this moment would open a "Pandora's box."
The delegates consulted agree that, although some articles could be improved, the current political environment is not conducive to reforms. The greatest risk identified is the tendency toward authoritarianism by certain political leaders and the action of circumstantial majorities who, according to Estigarribia, "do as they please and are committing the most serious violations during this period."